In a
continent that speaks of Christianity in three categories -- Protestant,
Catholic and "Other" -- Eastern Orthodoxy is clearly "Other." Eastern
Orthodox Christians have been the great exceptions in North American history
and North American religion. In countries that expanded from east to
west, the Orthodox entered from the west and moved east; in lands that
encourage innovation, Orthodoxy in North America has remained largely
unchanged; and in nations whose religious cultures have been accommodating
to Catholic, Protestant and Jew, the Orthodox have remained aloof. It is no
surprise, therefore, that the presence of millions of Orthodox Christians in
North America has been largely overlooked, or worse, ignored. With few
exceptions their historical experiences remain unrecorded, their documents
untranslated, their personalities, institutions, and activities unknown.
This model of monastic
evangelization became the pattern for other Russian Orthodox missionaries as
they trekked ever eastward, eventually establishing a network of missions
across Siberia and along the entire Pacific Rim: in China (1686), Alaska
(1794), Japan (1861), and Korea (1898). The eight Orthodox monks who arrived
in Alaska in 1794 were simply part of this centuries-old missionary heritage
of the Russian Orthodox Church.
In 1648, the Russian explorer
Simeon Dezhnev sailed from the Arctic Ocean, around the Chukotka Peninsula,
and founded the post of Anadyr on the Bering Sea, facing Alaska. During the
next several generations, Siberian entrepreneurs ventured across the straits
to engage native Americans in commerce. Rumors of these early permanent
Russian settlements on Alaskan soil during this period persist among Alaskan
native peoples today. Whether permanent or occasional residents, these
Russian frontiersmen brought with them not only beads, blankets, pots and
pans, but their religious traditions as well. Orthodox laity brought the
Orthodox faith to North America, baptized the first converts (often their
own native wives and Creole offspring), and even constructed the first
chapels. Clergy and official missionaries came much later.
In 1728, and again in 1741,
Vitus Bering and Alexis Chirikov mapped the Alaskan coast, and in the
process set off a "Fur Rush" -- creating a Russian "Wild East" much like the
later "Gold Rushes" of the American "Wild West." For the next forty years,
Russian traders and trappers would make annual or biannual trading
expeditions to the Aleutian Archipelago in search of valuable sea otter
pelts. Poorly equipped, these Siberian entrepreneurs were not seasoned
military men, but frontier adventurers, much like Daniel Boone. Unlike
Boone, though, these adventurers were bachelors. Inevitably they married
local women who provided their Siberian husbands with the same clothing,
tools, and food they would have given native Alaskan spouses. Thus, when the
British Captain James Cook visited the Aleutian Islands at the end of the
century (1793), he could not distinguish the Slavs from the native Alaskans.
The Siberians had been completely acculturated into the material culture of
the Aleuts.
This pattern of intermarriage and gradual evangelization of the indigenous
people provoked some resistance. A major uprising against the Siberians --
during which some 200 Siberians and an equal number of Aleut warriors were
killed -- took place around 1764. Despite occasional outbursts, the Aleut,
Russian, and Creole communities gradually returned to a generally peaceful
coexistence.
In the 1780’s a Russian trader,
Gregory Shelikov, argued that sending annual trading expeditions to the New
World across the Bering Strait was unnecessarily expensive and dangerous.
The time had come, he argued, for the establishment of permanent trading
posts in Alaska. The importation of a few hundred Russian settlers, Shelikov
reasoned, could lead to the systematic exploitation of the sea otter
habitats all along the Alaskan coast -- and vast profits. As the natives
might not be receptive to such a colonial intrusion, Shelikov suggested that
the commercial adventure assume a military dimension as well. A Russian
settlement in Alaska, atop the North Pacific, would extend Russian political
and military influence as far as Spanish California, British Hawaii, and the
Spanish Philippines.
In the summer of 1784, Shelikov
set out for Kodiak Island to establish his Alaskan base. By all accounts
except his own, Shelikov’s expedition was greeted with hostility and armed
resistance. Subduing the Kodiak islanders in a bloody encounter, Shelikov
returned to St Petersburg to relate his conquest and present a request for a
monopoly on the ensuing fur trade to the imperial court. He installed
Alexander Baranov as company manager, governor, and virtual dictator of the
small Russian colony. Shelikov did not live to see his Russian-American
Trading Company receive its monopoly, nor did he ever return to Alaska.
Baranov, however was to rule both the colony and the company with an iron
fist for 27 years.
To convince the imperial court
of the seriousness of his colonial scheme, Shelikov journeyed to Valaam and
Konevitsa monasteries, located on the Russo-Finnish border, to recruit
monastic volunteers for the new settlement in Alaska. One Archimandrite,
three priestmonks, one deacon-monk, one lay monk, together with several
staff members, left St Petersburg on December 21, 1793. They arrived in
Kodiak on September 24, 1794, having travelled 7,300 miles in 293 days. Upon
arrival, the monks were shocked at conditions in the colony.
It was not the poor living
conditions, inhospitable weather, nor the strange customs and foods of the
native peoples that so upset the monks, but the violent and exploitative
behavior of their own Russian countrymen. Within a few weeks, the leader of
the mission, Archimandrite Joasaph (Bolotov) was sending vivid reports of
abuse back to Shelikov, believing that Shelikov would intervene. Receiving
no reply, Joasaph, the priest-monk Makary, and the deacon Stephen returned
to Russia in 1798 to report firsthand about Baranov’s outrageous actions. On
their return to Alaska, their ship sank, and all aboard perished (1799). In
retaliation for such continuing "interference," Baranov placed the remaining
monks under house arrest, forbidding them any further contact with the
native peoples (1800).
Despite continuing oppression
by the Company, native Alaskans flocked to join the Orthodox Church. The
priest-monk Juvenal reported baptizing several thousand himself. Although
Juvenal would be martyred by hostile natives in 1796 [2], the more general
success of the Alaskan mission can be explained only by the heroic efforts
of the missionaries in defending the Alaskans from Baranov and his henchmen,
as well as by the missionaries’ sensitive approach to the pre-Christian
spirituality of the Aleuts. The Russian monks presented Orthodox
Christianity not as the abolition, but as the fulfillment, of the Aleut’s
ancient religious heritage. Most persuasively, the personal example of the
monk Herman provided the natives with tangible evidence that the Gospel,
when embraced with full dedication and commitment, produced God-like men.
To avoid harassment (and
possible assassination at the hands of Baranov’s men), the monk Herman left
Kodiak sometime between 1808-1818, and relocated to Spruce Island, three
miles to the north. He named his small hermitage "New Valaam," in honor of
his former monastery, from earlier generations of Orthodox monks had set out
to evangelize Karelian, Lapp, and Finnish tribespeople. At New Valaam,
Herman spent the rest of his life teaching the Aleuts, nursing the sick,
raising orphans, praying, and working miracles. Most importantly, through
his kindness, compassion and personal holiness, Herman exemplified an ideal
Christian life. The last surviving member of the original mission, Herman
died in 1837. His remains repose in Holy Resurrection Orthodox Church in
Kodiak. The Aleuts never forgot the humble monk nor his legacy of prayer and
deeds. Largely at their insistence, Herman was canonized in 1970 by the
Orthodox Church in America as the first Orthodox saint America.
Following Baranov’s death in
1818, social and economic life in Russian Alaska stabilized. In 1824, Fr
John Veniaminov, his wife, children, and mother-in-law arrived in Unalaska,
opening a new chapter in the story of the Alaskan Mission. Quickly learning
Unangan Aleut, the language of the Fox Islands, Veniaminov translated the
Gospel of St Matthew with the assistance of local Aleut chief, Ivan Pan’kov.
The two also collaborated on the translation of a catechism. Together they
opened a parish school in Unalaska in 1828.
Traveling from village to
village by sea kayak, for which he would later suffer constant pain and some
crippling in his legs, Veniaminov impressed his parishioners with his
fluency in their language, respect for their traditions, and pastoral
concern. In 1836, he joined a Russian schooner traveling south to minister
to those stationed at the most distant Russian outpost in America, Fort
Ross, near San Francisco. While in Spanish California, Veniaminov visited
the Franciscan missions along the coast, conversing with the Spanish monks
in Latin. In a rare gesture of ecumenical goodwill for the time, Veniaminov
even built small pipe organs for at least two of the Catholic missions.
Veniaminov returned to European
Russia in 1839 to report on his missionary work. During this journey, his
wife died in Siberia. After some hesitation, Veniaminov accepted monastic
tonsure and ordination as the Bishop of Kamchatka, the Kurile and Aleutian
Islands, in late 1840. Upon his return to Alaska, Veniaminov founded an
All-Colonial School for the "training of native and Creole (mixed ancestry)
clergy, seamen, navigators, physicians, accountants, cartographers, and
artisans" in New Archangel (Sitka) [3]. He quickly learned the local Tlingit
language. In 1844 he designed and began the construction of St Michael’s
Orthodox Cathedral for the capital of Russian Alaska -- a structure which
continues to dominate Sitka to this day.
In 1852, Veniaminov was raised
to the rank of archbishop and transferred to Yakutsk, Siberia. There he
learned yet another native language and continued his missionary work among
the native peoples of Siberia. Veniaminov ended his days (+1879) as the
Metropolitan of Moscow (the senior hierarch of the Russian Church), where
among his other accomplishments he established the Imperial Missionary
Society. At the request of the Orthodox Church in America, Veniaminov, who
is buried at the Holy Trinity-St Sergius Lavra in Sergiev Posad, Russia, was
canonized as "St Innocent, Enlightener of the Aleuts, Apostle to America and
Siberia," by the Russian Orthodox Church in 1977.
In 1828, Father Jacob Netsvetov,
a Creole of Aleut and Russian ancestry and graduate of the Irkutsk Seminary,
was ordained to assist Veniaminov (then still a priest) in the
evangelization of the Aleutian Islands. Later, when Veniaminov was ordained
bishop, he assigned Netsvetov to begin missionary work in the Yukon river
delta. Making his headquarters at Ikogmiut, a village today called "Russian
Mission," Netsvetov labored for nearly twenty years among the Yup’ik Eskimo.
At the invitation of Athabascan Indian tribes upstream, he preached to,
converted, and baptized hundreds in the Innoko River in 1852, thereby
narrowly averting a tribal war. Netsvetov described this accomplishment in
his personal diaries: "What a joy to see so many joined to the Church of
Christ; former enemies, now living together in peaceful coexistence" [3].
Without the benefit of technology, without the protection or physical
support of military or legal authorities, and hundreds of miles from the
nearest European outpost, Father Jacob preached the Good News and brought
salvation to thousands of Alaskans during his decades of service. In
recognition of his outstanding work, Netsvetov was made a member of the
Imperial Order of St Anna and knighted by Tsar Nicholas I. Fr Netsvetov was
canonized by the Orthodox Church in America at St Innocent’s Cathedral in
Anchorage on October 15-16, 1994. He is venerated as "St Jacob, Enlightener
of the Peoples of Alaska."
Through St Herman, the Alaskan
Mission was blessed by the traditional monastic example which SS Cyril and
Methodius provided to the Slavs, centuries earlier. By SS Innocent and
Jacob, the Alaskan Mission demonstrated the linguistic adaptability,
cultural sensitivity, and educational outreach characteristic of Orthodox
missions from Moravia to Kamchatka. Unfortunately, the heroic missionary
work of the Siberian traders who married, converted, and raised their
families in the Orthodox faith, and that of their children, the first Native
American Orthodox evangelists, have received less attention. Nevertheless,
through all their efforts the foundations of the Alaskan Mission had been
firmly laid.
With the transfer to American
rule in 1867, most ethnic Russians, including the vast majority of Orthodox
priests, returned to Russia, leaving the 12,000 native Christians, 9
Orthodox parishes, 35 chapels, 17 schools, and 3 orphanages to fend largely
for themselves. In 1872, the diocesan see was transferred from Sitka to San
Francisco, and the bishop was able to supervise the mission only from afar.
Over the next 100 years, the Alaskan mission received only sporadic
assistance from the Orthodox community in the "lower 48."
Nevertheless, the mission
continued to grow, largely through the efforts of indigenous leaders.
Despite the fact that the mission never had more than 15 priests, scores of
new parishes and chapels, as well as schools and orphanages, were built. Lay
leaders continued to conduct services, preach, and teach even in the absence
of clergy. The Orthodox Church in Alaska was able to survive because, from
its very beginning, it was envisioned, in the best tradition of Orthodox
missionary spirituality, as an indigenous church, not as a "diaspora." [5]
Saint Tikhon
In 1898, the Russian Orthodox Church entrusted its rapidly expanding
missionary diocese in North America to one of its youngest hierarchs, the
33-year old Bishop Tikhon (Bellavin). Tikhon served as the head of the
missionary diocese for nine eventful years (1898-1907), during which time
the missionary diocese grew into a multi-ethnic American diocese, and
ultimately, an emerging immigrant Church.
Early in his tenure in North
America, Tikhon realized that the missionary diocese, as then organized, was
unequal to the tasks assigned to it. The young bishop initiated a series of
dramatic changes. In 1903, Tikhon consecrated an auxiliary bishop
specifically for Alaska. In 1904, he consecrated a second auxiliary to
administer the Arab parishes of the missionary diocese. In 1905, Tikhon
moved the diocesan administration from San Francisco to New York to be
closer to the centers of Uniate conversions and Orthodox immigration in the
Northeast.
That same year (1905), in a
report to the Holy Synod of Russia, Tikhon proposed a more fundamental
reorganization of the missionary diocese. In keeping with the changes he had
begun, Tikhon proposed that the Russian-supported missionary diocese evolve
into a self-supporting, multi-ethnic, American diocese composed of distinct
auxiliary dioceses for each Orthodox group in America. He noted that the
missionary diocese
…is composed not only
of different nationalities…which though one in faith, have their
peculiarities in canonical order, the office ritual, and in parish life.
These peculiarities are dear to each, and altogether tolerable from a
general Orthodox point of view. This is why we do not consider that we
have the right to interfere; on the contrary, [we should] try to preserve
them, giving each a chance to be governed directly by chiefs of the same
nationality.
1
In addition to the already
existing “Russian” diocese of New York and “Arab” diocese of Brooklyn,
Tikhon proposed adding a Serbian “diocese of Chicago” as well as a “Greek”
diocese. In effect, Tikhon was the first to recognize that Orthodoxy in
America had grown beyond a single missionary diocese, but was, in fact, an
emerging immigrant church.
In keeping with the ancient
practice of the Orthodox Church, and in the spirit of American democracy,
Tikhon suggested that the emerging immigrant church be allowed to adopt a
conciliar form of administration. This was a most radical proposal given the
state-dominated, clerical and bureaucratic Orthodox churches of Europe and
the Middle East. Tikhon hoped that by having clergy and laity work together,
the thorny administrative and canonical issues involved with the trustee
control of immigrant parishes would find their resolution. After a series of
preparatory clergy conferences in 1905 and 1906, the missionary diocese
finally held its first “All-American” council, composed of clergy and lay
delegates, in February 1907, in Mayfield, Pennsylvania. Tikhon reluctantly
sailed for his new appointment in Russia the following month.
After Tikhon’s departure, few
of his remaining plans for the immigrant church could be implemented. His
plan for ethnically administered dioceses was consistently postponed. The
fundamental missionary vocation of the new multi-ethnic American diocese,
however, did not change. Indeed, under Tikhon’s successors, Archbishop
Platon (1907-1914) and Archbishop Evdokim (1914-1917), Uniate conversions
and new Orthodox immigrant parishes continued to increase.
The Vision of
Archbishop Tikhon
Tikhon publicly stated his
belief that the emerging immigrant church would eventually possess the
institutional and spiritual maturity to develop into a truly American body.
At that future time the Orthodox in America would naturally require
administrative independence (autocephaly) from the Russian Church. This
vision of a future, independent, and indigenous Orthodox Church in North
America, first articulated by Tikhon, was given institutional substance
through his leadership.
Institutional Growth
When it moved from Sitka to San
Francisco in 1870, the Russian mission operated 17 parishes schools and 4
orphanages throughout native villages in Alaska. No friend of Orthodoxy, the
American territorial governor would complain twenty years later (1887) that
the missionary diocese, now operating 43 parish schools, was still spending
more on education of native peoples in Alaska than the United States
government.
Education assumed a new
importance in the era of mass immigration and mass conversion. “I have
decided to found a seminary for young people born in America, who intend, as
most of the priests from Russia, to stay there for good,” the bishop
confided in 1904 to Basil Bensin, a future professor at the seminary. “This
seminary would not be like the Russian ecclesiastical seminaries,” Tikhon
continued. “We must establish a school to fit the needs of the people in
America.”
To assist the American-born,
the newly-converted, and future Russian missionaries to America, Bishop
Tikhon created an Orthodox seminary in Minneapolis, Minnesota in 1905.
Unlike the first Orthodox seminary in North America, created by St. Innocent
in Sitka in 1840, the new seminary conducted classes in English and Russian,
as well as liturgical services in both English and Slavonic. In 1912, the
seminary moved east to Tenafly, New Jersey, in order to be closer to the
diocesan administration in New York. From 1912-1923, St. Platon’s Seminary
enrolled 78 male students. In the same period (1916), an unaccredited
“Russian Women’s College” was established in Brooklyn to offer “refined,
educated ladies” vocational training as nurses and teachers in the American
diocese.
Many parishes also formed
schools, which typically met on Saturdays or after school on weekdays
(unlike the Protestant “Sunday schools”). These humble schools, conducted by
the parish priest, offered instruction in religion, language, church music,
and national culture. “Each row was a different grade,” remembered one
immigrant:
Each desk was about six
feet long with a bench attached. It would seat three large children and
four smaller ones. Heat was supplied by a potbelly stove. If you had an
apple you were allowed to bake it on the stove…Classes started by singing
a prayer at five o’clock and closed with a prayer at seven o’clock.
Classes started two weeks before the American school opened, and lasted
until two weeks after the American schools closed. These classes ran five
days a week. You see, you only had an hour after the ‘regular’ school to
eat supper, relax or play. There was also choir practice twice a week,
which everybody attended. There were no delinquents in those days. They
were too busy. Punishment was quick and often. No one complained to their
parents, because if they did, they got a double dose at home. There was
tuition too. It cost twenty-five cents a month, and you paid for your own
books.
2
Following his re-assignment to
Russia in 1907, Tikhon became in succession the Archbishop of Jaroslavl, the
Archbishop of Vilnius (Lithuania), the Metropolitan of Moscow, and in the
after math of the October Revolution (1917), the first Patriarch of Russia
in more than 200 years. Persecuted by the Communists, Patriarch Tikhon died
while under house arrest in 1925. To the joy of his former flock in America,
Tikhon was canonized as a saint by the Russian Orthodox Church in 1989.