The
major event that is often cited as the separation of the East and West is
the Great Schism of 1054. Actually at the time it was seen as simply another
temporary schism between the two regions. But this one never resolved as the
two Churches drifted farther apart. Also, though the date seems to be an
easy reference, it must be seen as wider political and theological context
which lead to the division.
The situation between Rome
and Constantinople had been increasingly tense and the two centers were
becoming increasingly isolated from each other. The temporary Photian Schism
in the 860s was due to disagreements over papal interference into the life
of the Church in Constantinople and Bulgaria as well as differing liturgical
practices. Though resolved, the basic outline of disagreements were
established but the two centers isolated themselves from each other.
By the mid-eleventh
century, a disagreement arose over Byzantine liturgical practices in South
Italy and Latin practices in the East. In addition, the recent popes were
beginning to claim universal supremacy over church matters which led to
further disagreements. The Orthodox Church failed to answer these issues in
any substantive manner which led to further disagreements. Finally,
political developments in the West led to the papal throne and other Western
powers to make claims on property and jurisdiction over disputed areas which
the Emperor in Constantinople was unwilling to concede. The result was
increased tensions and a lack of communication which would be costly in the
end.
With these issues in
place, there simply needed to be an excuse which would spark the division.
In 1053, Pope Leo IX sent legates to Constantinople to negotiate with
Patriarch Michael Cerularius. He was a powerful supporter of the Church and
not very accommodating to any changes or negotiations. He refused to see the
legates led by Cardinal Humbert….all of whom would be influential in the
papal reforms of Gregory VII and believed strongly in papal supremacy. On
July 16, 1054, tired of waiting for an audience, the placed a document of
Anathema or excommunication on the altar of Hagia Sophia. The document was
only supposed to apply the patriarch and those who supported him. The reason
cited for the excommunication was the removal of the Filioque from the Creed
(which was never in there in the first places), the practice of married
clergy (which had been a part of both churches’ traditions since the
earliest times) and divergent liturgical practices (which the East had
always followed). In response, Patriarch Michael drew up a list of Latin
abuses and issued a Bull of Excommunication against them after a synod of
Bishops on July 20. This was in turn supported by the other Patriarchates
and the division was complete.
The results from there
began to snowball. Documents were produced to prove the legitimacy of each
side. One such document was the forged 'Donation of Constantine' which
supposedly gave the Pope universal power over the Church since he helped
cure the Emperor Constantine from leprosy in the early 4th
century.
Interestingly, many of the
issues that continue to divide the Church today came to be divisive much
later. These included papal infallibility and Immaculate Conception which
were later papal doctrines. But clearly there was a split among the Churches
that would not heal. There was an attempt in 1089 for a reconciliation
between Pope Urban II and Patriarch Nicholas III but it came to nothing. The
Crusades really sealed the issue when in 1204, the Western powers sacked
Constantinople and dragged the treasures back to Venice and Rome where they
remain until today. The Churches lifted the mutual excommunications in the
1960s but it has led no where as the divisions and increasingly divergent
practices and theology continue to divide us.
The main people from the
Orthodox side were Patriarch Michael Cerularius. It is worth reading his
life because of his truly interesting past and part in the drama. Leo of
Ohrid wrote the famous tract against Latin Rites which outlines many of the
Orthodox objections to the West. A life of Photius and the documents from
the Photion schism also shed light on the events leading to the Schism.
On the Latin side, Pope
Leo IX and Pope Urban II. Cardinal Humbert was the main legate. Bishop Peter
of Amalfi and Cardinal Deacon Fredrick of Lotharingia (the future Pope
Stephen IX) were also in accompaniment. Finally, the papal reforms of Pope
Gregory VII (Hildebrand) really set in motion the shift in papal power and
triumphalism.
The primary sources for
the Great Schism are available in English as well as many of the recorded
details of the events. Most historical books on the subject include these
and they can be found quite easily over the internet. There are some
interesting modern takes on the subject after Vatican II and the lifting of
the anathamas which can prove to be illuminating.
There are many secondary
sources which talk about the Great Schism in detail. Some are quite well
done with an even handed approach, however many diverge into polemics and it
is hard to gather the nature of the issues. Alexander Schmemann’s 'The
Historical Road of Eastern Orthodoxy' has a good chapter on this issue.
Aristeides Papadakis’ 'The Christian East and the Rise of the Papacy' is an
exhaustive look at the subject and spans many centuries. 'The Orthodox
Church in the Byzantine Empire' by J.M. Hussey also has a great deal to say
on the subject. For a more popular and readable version on these and other
issues, read John Julius Norwich’s 'Byzantium' series of books.
Pope Leo IX (1048-1054) objected to Patriarch Cerularius' closing of the
Latinrite churches in Constantinople, but went over the head of the
patriarch and complained to the Eastern Emperor himself. The emperor made
the patriarch back down, open the Latin churches again and send an apology
to the pope. This was "strike one" against the emperor in the view of the
Greek populace. Cerularius had been so effective in turning the minds of the
general public against the Latins, that they objected to the reopening of
the Latins' churches and held it against the emperor.
1053
In the summer of 1053, Pope Leo IX, who felt the Normans were getting too
strong, without help from either of his emperor allies, met the Normans on
the field of battle. Things did not go well for him, however, and so to
prevent further bloodshed, the Pope marched out ahead of his troops and
permitted himself to be captured at Civitate, June 18, 1053. He was taken
prisoner, but treated with the greatest respect, and held in comfortable
quarters at Benevento.
Meanwhile Cerularius had appointed Archbishop Leo of Achrida to write the
letter to bishops of southern Italy, and this letter was been passed on to
the pope from Apulia in southern Italy. Pope Leo asked his Cardinal
secretary, Humbert, to answer it. Humbert threw himself into the task with
all the vigor, thoroughness and anger he could muster, and came up with a
letter (!) which was so strong and vitriolic that the pope refused
permission to send it or publish it in any way. The pope could see that such
a letter would only make matters worse.
But the pope had another reason for not wanting to send that particular
letter. Now a captive of the Normans, the pope had been hoping for some word
from Constantinople as to whether the emperor would send his army to improve
the political situation in Italy, and maybe rescue him in the process.
Letters finally arrived, and with high expectations the pope listened as his
Cardinal secretary, Humbert, read them (perhaps translating from the Greek
rather poorly and giving the worst possible meaning to the words). The
letters were not promise of help, however, but two apologies. The apology
from the emperor was all right enough, but that from the patriarch was
hardly an apology at all. Carefully couched in terms, whose meaning the
emperor might not fully comprehend, were implications which the patriarch
knew the pope would understand well enough. From beginning to end the
apology was full of innuendoes.
First of all the patriarch addressed the pope as "Brother", which no
patriarch had ever done before. They had always addressed the pope as
"Father". In our time the term "Brother" was used by Pope Paul V1 and
Patriarch Athenagoras, as well as by their successors, but used endearingly
as "brother patriarchs". Cerularius meant for the pope to get the idea that
he considered himself absolutely equal to the pope in all respects, and that
the primacy of Rome meant nothing as far as he was concerned.
And lastly, the Patriarch concluded his apology with an extra strong use
of the term "Ecumenical Patriarch". Some previous popes had objected to this
term especially in early days, but for some time now in the West many had
come to realize that they were attaching a broader meaning to the word
"ecumenical" than the Greeks intended. Latins generally had first thought
that the term meant authority over all including the pope, but when they
found out that it was intended to mean authority coextensive only with the
imperial authority out of Constantinople, many of the popes approved use of
the term but with some reluctance on account of Alexandria, Antioch and
Jerusalem, whose patriarchies Rome saw as independent of Constantinople.
What Pope Leo IX thought about the term per se, history does not say,
but we can almost hear him saying as regards Cerularius, "'Ecumenical
Patriarch' has gone to his head".
At any rate, the Pope, already a prisoner of the Normans, and with a head
full of troubles with his own emperor, the Church in France and England,
missionaries being persecuted, and lords and kings putting their nogood
sons and nephews in as abbots and bishops, was probably not a little upset
over Cerularius' apology.
It was then that he decided (perhaps on the advice of Humbert) that a
delegation ought to go to Constantinople to see if some settlement or better
understanding could be reached. His idea was communication; Humbert's
was showdown. The Pope instructed Humbert to draft answers to both
apologies and deliver them in person.
Just how responsible was the pope in his selection of Humbert as a
drafter and deliverer of the letters? Did the Pope see the letters before
Humbert took off? History doesn't tell us.
Certainly the Pope must have known something about the man he was sending
as his personal legate, and something about Humbert's attitude toward the
question of the Greeks. After all, had he not withdrawn Humbert's first
letter and refused him permission to send it? To this extent the Pope was
certainly responsible. Some have excused the Pope because he had been
vanquished in battle and was a prisoner at the time, to say nothing of all
his other problems. There may be reason for some excuse here, but in as much
as he considered this an important enough matter to send his personal
legates (he could hardly go himself being a prisoner) perhaps he should have
used greater care in the selection of the man who would head his
representation to Constantinople. With the hindsight we have in the light of
what happened, we can say today that the Pope made a very bad decision.
It is possible too that the Pope was so upset with the Patriarch's
closing the Latin churches and his "apology" on top of it, that he felt that
just such a man with the frame of mind that Humbert had toward the Greeks
was the right one to send. Perhaps he felt he needed a "strong" man to deal
with a strong situation. This is how many of the Greeks felt and feel about
it. They argue that the reason why Humbert was chosen for the job, was that
he represented well the Pope's own feelings toward them.
Some historical writers have suggested that maybe it was in anger that
the Pope sent Humbert, and that his judgment was blinded by this anger. This
does not, however, fit the character of the saintly Leo IX.
Cardinal Humbert of Moyen Moutier (also called "of Silva Candida") in
company of two assistants, Frederick of Lorraine and Bishop Peter of Amalfi,
and armed with his two letters, took off for Constantinople. They had hardly
left Rome —maybe they weren't out of Italy yet—when the captive Pope Leo IX
died. Hence, the legates were delegates of no one! Probably Humbert had not
heard about the death of the Pope (or maybe he had — it would not be out of
character for him to go ahead with what was probably his plan any way.)